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®[nibcr£fitp  of  i^tortfj  Carolina 


ColUction  of  ilortfi  Caroliniana 

€>i  tl)c  Class  of  IS80 


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Form  No.  471 


5t^ 


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AN  ADDRESS     iy.>,v    S Jf-^fx- 


XO  THE 


CITIZENS  OF  CONNECTICDT; 


BY  THE   FRIENDS  OF 


ANDREW  JACKSON, 


IN  NORWICH  AND  VICINITY* 


NORWICH: 

i.  H,  YOUNG,  PRINTER, 

1828* 


%  ^ 


AT  a  rasaal  meetiog  of  tho  friends  of  Gen.  Jacksow,  held  at  the  liouse 
of  H.  Doivninp.  inn-holder,  in  iSorwicli,  May  1,  IH-Jb: 

Major  SiMF.oN  Hubbard  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  Epaphras  Porter, 
Esq.  chosen  Secretary. 

r'oUd,  That  (he  Chairman  be  requested  to  prepare  nn  Address  to  the 
people  of  this  State,  and  to  present  the  same  to  this  meeting  at  some  future 
day.  for  con'-ideration. 

'roted.  That  David  Tracy,  Burrel  Woodworth,  Epaphras  Porter,  and 
Stephen  L'Hummedieu,  F2squires,  be  a  committee  to  draft  resolutions,  also 
to  be  i)rrsented  to  thi^  meeting  for  approbation. 

I'oted,  That  this  mf  etinpf  be  adjourned  to  the  13th  inst.  then  to  meet  a^ 
CoDgdon'B  tarero,  at  the  Falls. 

SIMEON  IJUDCARD.  ChairmaD 

E.  PORTER,  Secretary. 


ADDRESS, 


Ciiizens  of  Connecticut : 

YOUR  fellows  in  Norwich  and  its  vicinity,  who 
favor  the  election  of  General  Andrew  Jackson  to  the 
Presidency,  relying  on  the  exigencies  of  the  times  and 
custom  of  the  day  for  their  apology,  presume  to  address 
you  at  a  crisis  when  the  high  state  of  public  excitement 
which  has  grown  out  of  the  events  of  the  last  election, 
has  imparted  to  the  one  approaching,  a  character  por- 
tending that  its  decision  will  also  embrace  that  of  the 
highly  interesting  question,  Whether  to  man,  in  a  state 
of  freedom,  with  prosperity,  and  ease  resulting  from 
the  absence  of  external  pressure,  it  is  given  to  duly  es- 
timate his  privileges,  and  to  preserve  them  by  the  ex- 
ercise of  reason  alone,  or  that  a  frequent  resort  to  rev- 
olution is  indispensable  for  the  perpetuation  of  his  lib- 
erties ? 

That  with  us  you  will,  on  reflection,  deem  the  sub- 
ject to  be  one  of  vast  importance,  is  not  to  be  doubted  ; 
nor  is  it  that  our  reasonings  thereon  will  be  respected, 
if  judged  to  be  correct;  and  should  this,  our  Address, 
however  otherwise  deficient,  appear  to  be  clad  with 
the  mantle  of  sincerity,  its  claim  to  kindness  will  pro- 
bably meet  with  favor. 

As  a  voice  in  the  weighty  concern  of  President 
making  has  been  secured  to  us  by  the  Constitution,  it 
is  to  us  of  the  greatest  importance  that  it  should  be 
uttered  with  understanding,  and  made  to  accord  with 
the  dictates  of  wisdom.  To  which  end,  while  open  to 
conviction,  and  willing  ourselves  to  profit  by  others, 
we  would  respectfully  invite  your  attention  to  the  fol- 
lowing facts  and  circumstances,  and  the  inferences 
that  we  have  drawn  therefrom. 

By  sacred  history  it  is  made  known  to  us,  that  the 
peculiar  people  from  whom  has  been  derived  our  holy 
religion,  were,  by  factions  repeatedly  generated  by  the 
iiitrigucv^  of  the  ambitious,  ^wsi  shaken,  and  often  ;  iheii 


rent  in  twain,  and  made  into  two  nations,  and  with 
feelinj]:>  so  hostile  a^  to  favor  their  successive  suhjui^a- 
tion  and  dispersion,  which  fnially  took  phiC(» :  when 
from  their  rcspeciive  cities  the  one  was  taken  into  end- 
less captivitv — merged  and  lost  anions:  distant  nations 
— and  the  other  (hiven  to  ro.im  and  to  wander,  like 
pilgrims  ami  palmer^,  wrticlied  and  forlorn,  as  we  see 
to  this  day. 

We  also  learn  from  profane  iii^tory,  ancient  and 
modern,  that  the  subversion  of  the  Tree  States  in  Asia, 
Africa,  and  Europe,  has  in  every  instance  been  effected 
by  similar  means:  !)einiT  !)rought  by  intrigue,  first  to 
tactions,  then  anarchy,  and  in  some  instances,  to  des- 
potism, and  then  factions  aii^ain  ;  the  rei|[i;n  of  which 
cn<ied  only  in  their  suhjniration,  or  incorporation  with 
other  states,  or  new  em|)ires.  I'rom  these  facts,  we 
have  drawn  the  followini^  conclusions  : — That  in  in- 
tris^ues  for  oftice,  such  as  we  now  witness  to  be  the 
universal  practice  of  our  demae^ogues,  we  may  discern 
fhe  c;erm  oi' fcmls,  bloodsfud,  and  carnaire,  with  horrible 
dcsperatunu  and  dissulution  of  the  body  politic;  and 
that  all  of  these  evils,  although  confessed  to  be  the 
greatest  that  can  be  brought  upon  nations,  we  are 
about  to  brin2;  upon  ourselves  anrl  posterity,  bv  our 
%veak  credulities  and  chilling  apathies,  through  the 
induliicnce  of  which  we  have  been  brought  to  neglect 
those  things  that  pertain  to  the  security  ol"  liberty;  and 
to  thereby  evince  a  weariness  in  her  cause,  and  a  strong 
d»*sirc,  or  instinctive  propensity,  to  free  oiu'selves  from 
the  shackles  (cares)  wliich  freedom  imposes  u])on  its 
votaries. 

The  dan2:ers  to  \\  hich  we  are  exposed  by  this  neg- 
lect, \\\\\  be  made  the  more  aj)j)arent,  by  the  due  con- 
sideration of  our  invaluable  institutions. 

FVom  havinii;  united  a  federative  with  our  representa- 
tive system,  we  ha\e  attained  to  far  more  oi' individual 
Jiberiy  than  iias  ever  been  enjoyed  by  a  numerous  and 
preat  peoj)le.  l]ut  from  the  same  ciriMutistance  which 
imj)ai!s  to  om*  s\st<'ms  an  extreme  (lelicac\,  we  hold 
our  liberties  and  hinnunities  by  a  far  more  frail  tenure 
than  is  generally  imagined.  Ilence,  the  hrst  appear- 
ance of  JJitrigue  iii  our  councils,  should  be  considered 


highly  alarming,  its  extension  ominous  of  woes  un- 
speakable,.  and  the  omission  of  our  public  duties,  cul- 
pable to  the  highest  degree ;  for  as  in  regal  govern- 
ments the  crown  is  the  grand  object  of  the  most  ambi- 
tious, so,  in  repubhcan  states,  is  the  chief  magistracy  ; 
to  gain  which,  the  most  wily  aspirant  begins  widi  ad- 
dressing trie  passions  and  interests,  first  of  individuals, 
to  make  parties,  then  of  parties,  to  stir  up  factions  in 
their  favor  ;  which,  when  formed,  will  be  put  in  requi- 
sition, and  there  held  till  the  object  is  gained,  or  the 
desperate  adventurer  lost,  amidst  the  desolating  scenes 
of  his  own  creating. 

Is  this,  fellow-citizens,  a  fair  expose  of  the  demon, 
Faction  ? — of  its  beginnings,  on  which  a  smile  at  its 
arch  cunning  is  often  an  encouragement  to  proceed  ?— 
its  ends,  on  the  bare  anticipation  of  which  \^  e  invol- 
untarily shudder  with  horror?  If  so,  then  with  what 
abhorrence  should  we  look  upon  the  authors  of  every 
attempt  to  array  particular  interests,  or  the  sectional 
jealousies  and  prejudices  of  a  wide-spread  and  far- 
stretching  empire,  and  to  bring  the  same,  regularly 
marshalled,  into  a  contested  field  of  strifes,  where  the 
Presidency,  that  most  sacred  interest^  is  put  up,  and  to 
be  won  or  lost,  as  is  any  other  desperate  game !  Truly, 
all  will  say,  that  the  authors  and  abettors  of  such  a 
state  of  things,  are  deserving  of  public  execration. 
But  do  w^e  not  know  that  such,  though  an  abortive 
attempt  was  made  in  1801,  when  a  desperate  faction, 
professing  to  be  governed  by  the  letter  of  the  con- 
stitution, while  their  acts  were  in  open  rebellion  against 
its  spirit,  resolved  to  make  Burr  President,  in  bold 
dehanceof  the  people's  will  ?  And  has  it  not  been  affirm- 
ed, and  is  it  not  now  believed,  that  a  sianlar  attempt 
was  carried  into  too  successful  execution  in  1825, 
when  as  clear  an  expression  of  popular  favor  was 
again  derided,  held  as  nought,  and  made  of  no  account  r 
And  is  it  not  certain  that,  in  the  last  canvass,  there  was 
a  general  effort  of  the  press  in  this  quarter,  to  excite 
sectional  jealousies,  and  the  prejudices  incident  to  dif- 
ferences in  latitude,  by  insisting  on  the  necessity  of  a 
northern  and  non-slave-holding  President  ?  And  is 
there  not  now  an  unparalleled  effort  to  unite  the  grow- 


6 

ers  ami  workers  of  wool  througliout  the  country,  in  a 
gentrul  and  sinnikancous  assault  upon  the  pubhc  mind, 
fur  (he  same  selfish  and  unrii^hteous  purpose?  And  to 
what  do  these  thini;s  tend'  On  this,  \ci  everyone 
consider,  and  in  the  answer  to  himself  will  be  found 
sullicient  reasons  to  abaiulon  the  "ground  on  which 
the  defence  is  usually  made  ;  viz.  the  .Southrons  do 
the  same.  Therefore,  we  can  have  no  excuse  for  this 
blind  course,  nor  have  our  brethren  of  the  south,  in 
sayini;  (that  w  hich  we  fear  is  too  true)  that  we  set  the 
dau'i^erous  e\auij)le. 

We  aI>o  have  seen,  and  now  see,  (he  unimportant 
circumstance,  (the  otT^piin;:;  of  a  foolish  pride,)  w  heth- 
cr  the  master  of  the  hou^e  lodges  in  the  north,  east, 
iioulh,  or  west  chamber,  made  a  subject  of  grave  con- 
cern to  many,  in  all  parts  of  the  union.  Alas !  and 
has  it  so  soon  come  to  this,  that  many  of  the  framers 
of  our  present  constitution  live  to  see  the  day  when 
con>iderations,  in  themselves  so  trifling,  (but  which 
hud  to  strife  and  disunion  when  indulged  in,)  should 
be  made  by  intriguers,  in  every  section,  an  object 
of  prime  interest  to  the  people?  And,  also,  has  the 
♦  \il  day  so  soon  arrived,  in  w  hich  a  candidate  lor  the 
Presidency,  to  insure  success,  nmst  intrigue,  anfl  fawn, 
and  flatter,  and  promise,  "  and  become  all  things  to 
all  men,''  that  he  may  gain  some  voic^;  and  wheti  the 
quealion  is,  by  iiitrigue,  brought  to  the  House,  nuisl 
descend  to  barter  for  office,  and  be  obliged  to  say  wdio 
lie  w  ill  and  who  he  will  not  appoint  his  prime  minis- 
ter and  heir  ?  Yes,  it  may  be  truly  said,  ire  hare  seen 
all  these  things.  Then,  what  obligations  arc  we  under 
to  posterity,  (if  reckless  of  ourselves,)  to  pause  and 
ponder  upon  these  evidences  of  dej)raved  morals,  of 
which  it  may  be  said  in  truth,  that  each  one  stands  in 
the  political  fn'tnament  as  a  sign  of  fearful  omen  I  and 
liow  clearly,  when  collectively  taken,  do  they  evince 
that  misis,  which  have  been  created  by  the  designing 
for  iliai  purpose,  have  arisen,  to  intercept  the  views  of 
men,  and  to  make  dark  thovc^  |)aths.  by  the  following 
of  which  only,  can  oiu*  liberties  be  perpetuated  I  And 
in  these  n)ists  can  we  not  discern  embryo  clouds  of  the 
most  portentous  character  ?  clouds,  angry,  hostile,  and 


increasing,  which,  unless  now  dispersed  and  dissipated 
by  an  immediate  and  general  effort,  will,  on  being 
driven  into  rude  contact  by  our  adverse  winds,  pour 
out  upon  us  their  devastating  contents,  and  make  des- 
olate the  abodes  of  a  now  happy,  but  too  credulous^ 
and  careless  people  ? 

To  our  minds,  fellow-citizens,  these  dangers  are  pre- 
sented as  real ;  and  not  as  the  effects  of  a  disordered 
imagination.  And  as  they  are  not  merely  dangers  of 
the  moment,  confined  to  the  present  time  and  present 
<:ontest,  but  are  subjects  of  general  interest  and  last- 
ing importance,  we  entreat  you  to  give  them  a  careful 
and  candid  examination  ;  but  with  a  particular  view 
to  the  coming  election,  to  a  fortunate  issue  of  \\  hich, 
such  examination  will,  in  our  opinion,  prove  to  be  emi- 
nently conducive. 

That  to  the  one  approaching,  a  vast  weight  of  inte- 
rest is  derived,  from  the  circumstances  attending  the 
last  election,  is  a  truth  that  will  not  be  denied ;  while 
in  regard  to  the  character  of  those  circumstances,  a 
diversity  of  opinion  is  known  to  exist.  To  arrive  at 
just  conclusions  in  this  respect,  and  also  in  the  investi- 
gation of  the  grounds  on  which  the  adverse  parties  now 
present  their  several  claims  to  the  public,  for  favor  in 
this  canvass,  it  is  necessary  to  trace  the  progress  of  the 
last,  from  the  beginning  to  its  end. 

Mr.  Adams,  from  an  usage,  (but  which  had  from  the 
first  been  considered  dangerous,)  was  placed  in  the 
situation  of  a  candidate  with  a  preponderating  claim  ; 
and  Mr.  Crawford,  also,  being  the  favorite  of  the 
prominent  leaders  in  the  republican  ranks,  was  by 
them  first  spoken  of,  and  then  nominated  by  the  re- 
publican members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  in 
strict  accordance  with  another  usage.  These  two  for- 
ward candidates  being  pitted  against  each  other,  were 
by  their  opponents,  each  assailed  in  what  was  deemed 
to  be  their  vulnerable  point,  although  it  in  each  case 
constituted  the  principal  item  in  their  respective  claims; 
viz.  the  grounds  on  \\  hich  they  were  severally  present- 
ed to  the  nation  : — the  one  from  being  principal  secre- 
tary, and  the  other  from  being  named  by  what  was 
called  a  central  power.     In  this  state  of  things,  the 


8 

friends  of  Mr.  Calhoun  (then  in  the  cabinet,  as  was 
Mr.  Crawlbrd  also,)  nominated  him,  as  did  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Clay  (who  was  then  Speaker  of  the  House) 
tiieir  favorite. 

With  neither  of  these  candidates  were  the  people 
satisfied,  as  it  appears;  for  after  sundry  nominations, 
direct  and  indirect,  made  in  dilTerent  (juarters  of  the 
I'nion,  by  individuals,  and  while  the  partiz.ms  of  the 
other  candidates  u  ere  geitinti;  up  parties  for  their  res- 
pective faNorites,  and  before  they  were  all  nanjed,  the 
people  came  out  in  their  streni;ih  in  behalf  of  one  to 
w  horn  they  had  long  before  yiehieil  their  confidence, 
and  on  whom,  from  the  first  development  of  his  high 
ability,  they  had  rested  the  greatest  hopes.  And  thus 
the  political  campaign,  \n  hich  was  to  eventuate  in  the 
election  of  a  sixth  candidate,  w  as  commenced  on  the 
one  part  by  the  peo|)!e,  arrayed  in  the  panoply  of  a 
riglui'ous  cause,  and  supported  by  t'^eir  honesty  and 
gratitude  ;  and  l)y  the  partizans  of  the  other  candi- 
dates on  the  other  j)art,  each  for  their  leader,  and 
armed  with  the  strenath  of  the  press,  divided  and 
meted  out  amongst  themselves,  and  supported  by  in- 
triiiuers,  mercenary  chapmen,  and  rnana-j^rrs. 

This,  although  it  may  not  be  alt«>iieilier  chronologi- 
cally strict,  is  nevertheless  a  fair  representation,  and 
otherwise  historically  correct,  and  offers  ns  ample  mat- 
ter for  just  conclusions  ;  to  arrive  at  which,  is  pre- 
sumtii  to  be  the  desire  of  all.  To  facilitate  the  object, 
it  may  be  necessary,  preliminarily,  to  obser\e:  that 
where  men  are  frec^  it  is,  in  matters  of  u  eighty  con- 
cern to  them,  of  th(^  first  necessity  to  consider  lluir per- 
ceptions— to  consult  their  wills ;  for  in  such  cases,  they 
caiUiOt  be  he(Mllessly  passed,  as  automatons,  by  their 
leaders,  or  unnoticed  with  irnpiniity.  Nur  i^  it  either 
just  or  desirable  that  they  bh'juld  or  could  be  ;  lor  by 
establishing  the  fact,  we  should  prove  that  free  uoveru- 
nien:  was  at  an  end. 

T.iat  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Crawford,  and  Mr.  Calhoun 
have  ability,  and  woidd,  either,  have  m.  k  a  good 
JVesident,  [fOtirlij  drrttdy  admits  of  no  donln  ;  for  each, 
at  the  time,  was  so  imcxceptionable,  that  ilie  e'rHJon 
of  eitlier  would  iiave  caused  no  more  than  a  uiiiin^  op- 


position,  which  would  have  been  confined  to  the  im- 
mediate friends  of  the  others,  and  the  disappointed 
seekers  after  the  "  loaves  and  fishes."  Nor  could  more 
have  been  effected,  had  a  combination  been  entered 
into  for  that  purpose.  The  reasons  for  this  opinion 
derive  their  weight  from  the  circumstance  of  a  want 
of  excitement  on  the  part  of  the  people,  who  had  no 
choice,  and  consequently  were  enveloped  in  careless 
indifference. 

They  discovered  no  animated  perceptions ;  exhibited 
no  zeal;  manifested  no  determined  will:  for,  in  truth, 
they  had  no  more  grounds  for  choice  and  preference, 
than  they  would  have  had  for  the  selection  of  one  from 
a  dozen  of  similar  wine-glasses,  or  as  many  cents,  pre- 
sented them  for  that  purpose.  But  were  a  silver  gob- 
let added  to  the  one,  and  a  golden  eagle  to  the  other 
parcel,  and  the  offer  still  continued,  an  interest,  pro- 
ceeding from  clear  perceptions,  would  have  enkindled 
B.n  electrifying  zeal,  and  produced  a  determined  ivill ; 
as  was  manifested  by  them,  when  to  the  number  of 
candidates  was  added  one,  to  whom  they  owed  a  debt 
of  gratitude  for  the  most  signal  services — services, 
which  they  had  from  the  first  been  desirous  for  an  op- 
portunity to  compensate,  by  the  bestowment  of  their 
richest  gift ;  one,  to  whom  they  had  yielded  all  con- 
fidence, and  on  whose  arm  they  had  the  firmest  reli- 
ance for  protection. 

Then,  on  a  just  calculation,  how  faint  were  the 
prospects  of  the  other  candidates,  with  the  people ! 
How  ineffectual  their  strife  against  both  wind  and  tide, 
with  such  feeble  means!  and  what  chance  of  success? 
Why  just  the  same  as  would  the  glasses,  in  a  feeble 
struggle,  or  cents,  have  had,  in  the  case  supposed,  and 
no  more.  Nor  would  the  chances  have  varied,  had 
scores  of  the  most  perfect  manufacture  been  added 
to  the  glasses,  and  hundreds  to  the  cents,  bright  and 
fresh  from  the  mint;  nor  the  result  been  otherwise, 
had  there  been  as  many  added  to  the  hst  of  candid- 
ates, from  those,  how  otherwise  worthy,  whose  deeds 
had  failed  to  quicken  the  public  mind.  But  without 
the  addition  of  the  goblet,  or  eagle,  the  question  might 
have  been  quickly  settled  by  those  who,  by  using  glasses. 


10 

wrre  eiiahkd  to  discover  sonic  tnflum:  excellence.  So. 
without  the  addition  of  Jackson  to  the  list,  die  politi- 
cians nii^ht  \\\\\v  determined  tht^  (jiiotion  anioni:;  tiieni- 
se]\e'-,  uiilioiit  ilisiurhinii;  ilie  nation.  Hut  not  (juielly 
could  they  have  settled  ihc  (juestion,  when  to  the  list 
of  minor  nanics  a  major  one  u  as  added.  cNin  if  they 
had,  hy  art,  {\v^{  uhetdled  \\\r  people  into  a  momenta- 
ry wilderness  of  mind,  and  (hereby  pained  their  ohject 
ofpromotiFiLi:  a  ievser.  I'iien  how  prc^posterons  to  ima- 
iline  themselves  able  to  secure  such  ohject,  and  slide 
tunndfuous  feeling,  after  hrinjiing  the  question  to  them- 
sejves.  |)v  intriirues  reported  to  for  that  purpose! 

That  intiim'cvs  were  resorted  to,  for  the  purpose  of 
briuiiin^  the  election  to  the  House,  is  made  apparent 
to  us  from  the  following  circumstances: 

The  lea(?ers  of  the  parties  attached  to  the  other  can- 
didates, it  will  be  recollected,  had  at  lirst  labored  with 
niiiiht  and  main,  to  encircle  the  brows  of  their  respect- 
ive favorites  with  an  halo  of  lii2,ht  that  would  be  per- 
ceptible to  the  peopl(\ 

But  in  this  they  failed;  for  the  glories  of  Jackson, 
like  those  of  the  sini  at  the  meridian,  whose  effulixence 
\\as  not  to  be  \\  ilhstood,  had  diffused  their  beniLin  in- 
lluenccs  (conlidcMice,  rej)Ose.  and  comfort)  throughout 
the  land.  Lesser  lights,  if  orbs,  were  of  course  unno- 
ticed. Heuee  the  necessitv  on  the  part  of  the  less  poj)- 
idar,  to  bring  it  uiliiin  a  narrower  compass.  To  the 
House,  then,  they  resolved  it  nuist  come;  being  each 
()\er  sangiiine  in  their  strength  within  that  fortress 
wJH  re  intriiiue  •lathers  conlid(  nee  from  example — the 
Adams  and  Clay  men,  in  unnatural  league,  eonliding  in 
*'  safe  precedents,''  and  the  Crawford  men  in  caucus 
strength — while  the  friends  of  Mr.  C'alhoun,  either 
more  patriotic  and  just,  or  more  wise,  u  ithdreu  his 
pretensions,  and  gave  precedence  to  the  favorite  of  the 
])e(tp|e. 

liut  not  so  did  i\Ir  Clay  and  his  friends;  for,  after 
JjoldinLi  a  nnetinii  in  Washiniiton,  they  resolved  still  to 
hold  him  up  before  the  peo|)le.  Accordingly  he  was 
contimied,  and  untpiestionably  for  the  sole  purpose  ot 
lessenintr  the  otherwise  certain  major  vote  of  Jackson  ; 
from  whom  he  hud  the   pou  cr,  throuj^h  favoritism,  tu 


•  II 

divert  some  few  votes  to  himself,  and  probably  to  have 
given  them  to  Mr.  Crawford  ;  but  not  to  transfer  them 
to  Mr.  Adams.     The  consequence  of  this  ruse  de  po- 
litique was  the  bringing  the  question  to  the  House,  by 
reducing  the  Jackson  vote.     And  also,  to  it  we  may  \, 
ascribe  the  otherwise  unaccountable  vote  of  the  State    ^ 
of  New  York,  which  was  taken  from  the  prominent    / 
candidate,  Mr.  Crawford,  and  given  to  Mr.  Adams,  j| 
for  the   purpose  of  securing  to  him  an  accession  of 
strength,  at  the  expense  of  the  former  ;  that  the  House 
might  with  less  reluctance  be  brought  to  consummate 
a  series  of  intrigues,  resorted  to  by  the  leaguers,  to  se- 
cure the  objects  of  their  ambition. 

As  it  is  to  the  actions  only  of  diplomatists  and  public 
men,  that  we  should  look  while  in  search  of  motive ; 
we  would  ask  if,  in  the  conduct  of  the  parties  in  that 
transaction,  who  now  sue  our  favor,  we  do  not  discov- 
er just  grounds  for  such  inferences  ?  and  whether  the 
same  should  not  be  deemed  correct,  and  sufficient  to 
govern  our  conduct  towards  them,  at  least  so  far  as  to 
withdraw  our  confidence,  if  hitherto  placed,  and  to 
withhold  our  vote,  at  the  coming  election,  if  already 
prepared  ? 

Although  in  the  House,  to  which  it  was  brought  by 
dexterous  management,  it  still  required  a  bold  address 
and  consummate  art,  to  surmount  the  obstacles  which 
Jackson's  popularity  had  placed  in  the  way. 

The  people,  generally,  ignorant  of  the  extent  of  the 
intrigues,  entertained  no  suspicion  of  fraud,  nor  doubt 
that  their  choice  would  be  approved,  their  voice  respect- 
ed, and  their  nomination  confirmed.  And  Mr.  Clay's 
own  State,  (Kentucky,)  aware  of  the  designs  of  this 
ambitious  citizen,  enjoined  it  upon  her  representatives, 
by  a  legislative  resolve,  to  respect  the  popular  voice, 
and  vote  for  Jackson,  This,  which  certainly  was 
thought  sufficient  to  insure  the  vote  of  that  State,  by 
arresting  the  will  of  the  most  refractory,  (as  it  doubt- 
less would,  had  he  not  in  his  imagination  previously 
secured  an  Empire,  by  which  he  could  well  affi)rd  to 
lose  a  State,)  seemed  to  cause  Mr.  Clay  himself  to  hes- 
itate for  a  moment.  And  hence  it  is  probable,  that 
eut-of-door  tools,  with  which  intriguers  within  ever 


12  4 

take  care  to  be  sup|)licd,  were  employed  to  sound  the 
opposite  coast ;  (this  appears  to  liave  been  the  case 
from  Afr.  Buchanan's  kttcr.)  But  on  the  receipt  of 
an  unfavorabh^  n^port,  ihi'  original  (lL'sii;n  was  prose- 
cut<  (I.  What  that  design  was,  the  making  a  President 
of  Mr.  Adams  bv  Mr.  (lay,  (uho  bore  him  all  hate,) 
and  an  Hi  ir  of  Mr.  Clay,  bv  .Mr.  Adams,  (nnIio  bore 
him  no  love,)  renders  suflicieiuly  palpable ;  and  in  it 
we  have  a  true  chart,  bv  which  we  may  avoid  the 
numerous  shoals  (intriiiue<)  amonu:;  u  Inch  we  arc  now 
end  an  leered,  and  breakers  (factions)  to  which  we  are 
onward  pressing;  and  to  shape  our  course  to  that 
haven,  in  u  liich  only  can  the  ship  ol  State  be  moored 
wiih  safety,  or  anchored  in  security. 

The  2:rand  objects  u  hich  Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay 
had  in  view,  respc  ctively,  were  made  manifest  by  the 
i>sucs  of  the  election  and  apjiointmcnt  being  in  Ci^)n- 
formity  with  what  had  before  been  stated  by  Mr. 
Kremer  to  have  been  their  intentions  ;  and  from  the 
event,  he  nnist  certainly  be  supposed  to  liave  had  evi- 
dence of  the  facts  he  annoimced. 

The  original  design,  as  it  appears  to  us,  was  to  gain 
by  intrifrue^  harssain,  and  inanai^emnit,  objects  which 
they  knew  could  not  be  obtained  by  honorable  means. 
This  conclusion  ue  liave  drawn  from  circumst^inces 
that  impose  more  con^iclion  upon  the  imderstanding, 
than  do  those  u  hich  simply  rest  on  Ui^al  evidence  ;  it 
being  similar  to  those  impressions  of  guiltiness  tliat 
oftentiuK  s  rest  on  the  minds  of  judge,  jury,  and  spec- 
tator, when  a  felon  escapes  justice,  merely  from  the 
lack  of  legcd  proof ;  and  it  comes  to  us  with  irresisti- 
l)le  A)rce,  notwithstanding  the  opinion  of  his  Honor 
Judge  Marshall  to  the  contrary. 

Here,  it  seems  pertinent  to  observe,  that  we  deem 
the  time  to  have  come,  when  it  should  be  considered 
the  bounden  duty  of  every  man  to  im|)in  his  faith 
from  the  sleeve  or  sleeves  of  any  and  every  man,  to 
A\  hich  they  are  fastened,  be  the  pin  never  so  rusty 
from  long  dormanry  and  ("\j)osiu'e  to  the  vapors  ol 
other  bodies  ;  and  especially  (in  political  (piestions  ot 
this  sort)  il' they  are  the  bodies  of  high  judicial  lunc- 
tionarics.    For  it  should  be  recollected  that  {\\{:^i:  guinta 


15 

in  the  laiv^  are  sometimes  monsters  in  politics  ;  or  at 
least  a  monstrous  hindrance  to  political  justice  :  wit- 
ness the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Mansfield,  to  whose  pro- 
fundity  Parliament  was  obliged  to  oppose  special  le- 
gislation, to  protect  the  subject  ;  also  a  predecessor  of 
his  honor,  (whose  name  we  hope  not  to  take  in  vain) 
who,  being  a  permanent^  as  is  his  honor,  (who  of  course 
stands  as  "  an  anomaly  in  free  government,")  was  im- 
peached :  that  measure  being  the  only  means  left  to 
protect  and  ensure  impartial  justice  to  the  citizen. 

To  us  it  appears  evident,  that  if  the  citizens  of  these 
now  free  states,  permit  themselves  to  be  duped  and 
wheedled  out  of  the  use  of  their  senses,  by  those  who 
would  make  them  believe  that  nothing  short  of  legal 
proof  should  induce  them  to  withdraw,  or  withhold 
their  confidence  from  public  men,  they  will  soon  have 
left  of  hberty,  that  only  which  is  not  worth  contend- 
ing for  :  as  it  is  net  to  be  imagined,  that  arch  dema- 
gogues, apostates,  and  factionists.  will  lack  in  cunning 
so  much  as  to  ca^'  witnesses,  sign,  seal  and  deliver, 
when  they  are  trading  for  the  Presidency,  and  office  of 
prime  minister,  with  an  heirship  attached  to  it  :  and 
especially  when  payment  is  to  be  made  in  the  liberties 
of  the  people.  Therefore  this  urging  the  necessity  of 
what  is  called  legal  evidence,  to  produce  conviction  in 
these  cases,  should  be  considered  as  libellous  upon  our 
understandings,  and  these  arrogant  dictators  be  spurn- 
ed from  our  confidence,  and  denounced  as  unfit  for  of- 
fice, or  to  lead  in  free  government. 

As  jealousy  is  one  of  the  life-sustaining  principles  in 
popular  government,  it  necessarily  follows  that  it 
should  be  kept  in  continual  exercise ;  for  when  the 
principle  of  fife  ceases  to  act,  decomposition,  and  the 
falUng  asunder  of  the  component  parts,  is  inevitable. 
Hence  the  necessity  of  an  unremitting  watchfulness 
over  our  liberties,  and  the  necessity  for  the  people 
to  scrutinize  the  conduct  of  their  rulers,  who  should 
be  required  to  appear  always  with  a  clean  outside ^  and 
informed  that  when  lacking  therein,  no  protestations 
of  purity  within,  will  be  listened  to,  but  that  an  un- 
clean exterior  will  always  be  considered  an  unerring 
index  of  a  foul  interior,  and  proceeded  against  ac- 


14 

cordinglj  ;  and  in  line,  tliat  in  dealing  witli  their  ser- 
vants, (rulers,)  these  maxims  which  we  have  adopted, 
and  consider  as  fnnrhimcnial  in  free  iiovernment,  will 
be  rigidly  adhered  to,  as  they  cannot  be  disregarded 
Avith  impunity,  viz. :    the  appearancf.    of    intrigue 

m  ST    IJE    PUMSHED  AS    l.NTKKiLi: OF    SIN,   AS    SIN    DI> 

bKHVKS. 

'J'liesc  maxims  having  their  foundation  in  the  great 
law  of  s(^ir  pn^servation,  when  applied  to  free  goNcrn- 
mcnt,  now  impose  upon  u^  duties  that  are  clothed  with 
the  utmost  solemnity  ;  duties,  the  importance  attached 
to  the  faithful  prrforinancc*  or  criminal  neglect  of 
which,  is  derived  iVom  the  weight  of  interests  devolved 
upon  us  to  defend  ;  being  no  less  than  all  of  tliosc 
blessings  that  depend  on  the  preservation  and  p(M'pet- 
uation  of  our  happy  institutions,  wiiieh  can  in  no  oth- 
er way  be  secured,  than  by  the  banishment  of  intrigue 
from  our  councils,  and  purging  them  from  corruption. 

And  shall  we,  felk)\\ -citizens,  hesitate  to  j)erforni 
this,  our  solemn  obligation?  JShall  we  crimiually  neg- 
lect this,  our  sacred  duty? 

Let  every  one  put  these  interrogatories  to  himself, 
and  resolve  to  give  the  important  subjects  the  most 
thorough  examination. 

That  appearances  of  corruption  existed  at  the  time, 
and  that  stroma  suspicions  of  their  reality  now  exist,  no 
one  will  deny:  for  although  iMr.  Clay,  u  ho  held  the 
balance,  was  confined,  in  liis  choice,  to  one  of  three, 
yet  Mr.  Adams,  laboring  under  no  such  difficulty,  had 
the  ample  field  of  the  union  spread  before  him,  to  se- 
lect his  heir.  Therefore,  as  he  was  pleased,  when  so 
circumstanced,  to  |)refer  his  enemy  to  all  others;  and 
as  by  the  selection,  he  seemed  to  establish  the  charge  of 
a  corrupt  bargain,  as  made  by  Mr.  Kremcr,  we  arc 
constrained  to  say  that  it  is  enough  to  bring  comiction 
to  our  minds.  'I'hen,  ^/.9  the  appearance  of  intritj^iie 
should  be  punished  as  intriLnte,  and  of  sin  as  sin  de- 
serves;  with  wliat  propriety  can  Messrs.  Adams  and 
Clay,  or  their  friends,  insist  on  his  re-election  .^  And 
how  light  is  theirs,  in  the  balance,  to  the  interests  of  a 
great  people;  which,  if  tlu^  foregoing  reasons  have 
their  foundation  in  truth,  as  is  claimed,  would,  by  a 


15 

re-election,  under  existing  circumstances,  be  put  tm 
extreme  jeopard.  Therelore  tlie  claim,  from  being 
repugnant  to  justice,  and  hostile  to  liberty,  should  be 
considered  as  abhorrent  to  common  sense,  and  re- 
jected. 

To  Mr.  Adams  or  Mr.  Clay,  it  will  not  boot,  nor 
should  it,  to  plead  innocence ;  for  they  have  voluntari- 
ly assumed  the  habihments  of  guilt :  nor  to  them  will 
it  avail,  to  plead  the  acts  of  their  administration  ;  for 
these  can  have  no  further  bearing  on  the  subject  now 
before  the  people,  than  as  an  apology  to  rescue  them 
from  deeper  disgrace ;  as  the  question,  in  our  opinion, 
is,  with  the  greatest  reason,  resolved  into  the  simple 
one  of,  how  came  you  here  ?  or  (if  they  would  prefer 
it)  hoiv  appears  it  to  be,  that  you  came  into  office  ?  And 
still  less  will  it  profit  them  to  plead  that  they  have 
done  no  more  than  would  others,  had  opportunity  of- 
fered ;  unless  they  can  prove  that  all  the  other  candi- 
dates were  prosecuting  intrigues,  and  each  for  himself. 
Then,  it  would  be  just  that  it  should  avail  them  to  some 
degree.  But,  as  it  is  known,  that  among  those  who 
were  on  the  list,  there  was  at  least  one  who  would  not 
give  up  his  integrity,  though  tempted  thereto  by  the 
richest  offer,  it  is  presumed  that  such  plea  will  not  be 
entered. 

As  repubhcans,  the  most  of  us  regretted  that  Mr. 
Adams  was  supported  on  the  presumptive  ground  of 
his  democracy,  in  the  last  canvass ;  when  essays,  writ- 
ten to  prove  die  fact  by  inference,  were  made  to  flood 
the  land.  And  we  all  now  abandon  the  ground  as 
untenable ;  for  he  has  since  informed  us,  through  the 
medium  of  his  organ,  the  National  Journal,  that  he 
has  not  changed  his  opinions  since  1798,  (the  reign  of 
terror,)  and  further,  that  he  icas  pained  to  labor  under 
the  imputalion  of  such  change ! ! !  Although  this  decla- 
ration (if  late)  may  be  thought  by  some  to  favor  him 
as  a  man,  yet  it  has  failed  to  convince  us  that  he  is,  in 
any  point  of  view,  so  necessary  to  the  public  welfare^ 
or  desirable  a  chief  magistrate,  as  to  make  it  necessary 
for  us  (since  he  has  not  turned  democrat  and  come 
over  to  us,  as  was  hoped  and  claimed)  to  turn  aristo- 
crats,  and  go  over  and  vote  for  him ;  for  we  believe 


thai  ihc  conJlicung  crccci^of  democracy  and  aristocra- 
cy are  necessarily  so  Ironi  the  structure  of  society,  (uoi 
nature  of  tliinirs.)  and  nuist  of  necessity  continue  their 
^vartare,  till  one  or  the  other  is  vanquislied,  and  brought, 
to  subjugation  by  arij^ument  or  experience,  as  no  ben- 
efit can  arise  to  eitlier,  from  examples  of  apostasy,  vain 
boastings,  and  em|)ty  dcchnaiions. 

But,  laying  aside  party  questions;  as  the  re-election 
of  Mr.  Adams  would  in\ite  intriirue,  by  ^iviim  pub- 
lie  sanction  to  that  which  so  appears  to  be,  it  shoukl 
be  considered  as  an  evil  of  the  first  magnitude,  and 
prevented  if  possible.  To  which  end,  were  General 
Jackson  to  be  removed  by  death,  or  othrrwise  inca- 
pacitated or  rendered  obnoxious,  it  would  then  be- 
come our  duty,  if  no  other  alternative  was  left,  to  go 
out  into  the  "  highwa}  s  and  by-ways,''  to  look  up  a 
siibsiitutc. 

But  as  the  General  is  yet  alive,  (so  may  it  please 
God  ;  also  to  preserve  his  invaluable  lile,  for  the  benefit 
of  his  country,  and  high  endowments,  so  eminently 
ada})ted  to  its  present  wants  ;  as  was  the  life  of  Wash- 
ington, and  his  peculiar  faculties,  which  so  befitted  the 
times  in  which  he  lived.)  we  happily  are  not  as  yet 
so  straitened  in  our  circumstances;  nor  arc  likely  to 
})C,  unless  his  wicked  calumniators  should  succeed  in 
their  nefarious  attempt  to  present  as  an  object  of  ab- 
liorrence  to  the  people,  on(^  to  whom  they  are  indebt- 
ed for  the  most  signal  services. 

To  oppose  the  wicked  desiirn  of  disaflecting  the 
public  through  a  series  of  frauds  and  misrepresenta- 
tions, systematically  pursued,  we  invite  your  serious 
consideration  of  tlie  facts  on  which  the  charges  rest, 
nm\  the  circumstances  then  existing,  which  to  them 
impart  a  true  character. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that,  being  called  into 
public  fde  at  an  early  age  by  Gen.  WasliMglon,  and 
continued  th(?rein,  in  various  stations  and  capacities, 
legislative  and /pidicial,  witii  little  inierruouon,  by  the 
people  and  government  of  his  own  Stale:  Andrew 
Jackson,  from  that  high  order  of  mind  which  gives  to 
his  inllcxible  patriotism  and  uncompromising  integrity, 


17 

a  much  greater  value,  had  won  the  confidence  of  men 
to  a  degree  that  has  seldom  been  witnessed. 

From  these  conjoined  circumstances,  he  was  sohcit- 
ed  by  the  government  to  undertake  the  defence  of  our 
southern  frontier,  at  a  period  of  imminent  danger  dur- 
ing the  late  war.  To  give  tliis  circumstance  due 
weight,  it  is  necessary  to  be  known,  that  it  was  a  ser- 
vice" in  which  the  knowledge  of  military  tactics  alone, 
could  avail  but  little,  the  possessitjn  of  prudence  alone, 
still  less,  and  if  united,  not  much  more ;  for  it  was  a 
service  in  which  every  thing  depended  on  the  genius 
of  the  general — on  the  resources  of  his  own  mind.  It 
was  a  field  where  nothing  short  of  those  high  qualilica- 
tions  which  constitute  greatness  both  in  the  ueld  and 
cabinet,  and  every  where  else  where  needed,  could 
have  enabled  the  general  to  command  successi — to  ex- 
ecute the  high  trust,  and  accomplish  the  important  ob- 
jects of  the  campaign. 

Therefore,  in  the  ability  exhibited  in  the  perform- 
ance of  these  important  services  by  the  victor  of  New 
Orleans,  and  in  his  integrity,  since  made  manifest,  we 
have  in  our  opinion  the  fullest  assurance  of  a  wise, 
just,  and  happy  administration  of  government  under 
his  auspices. 

To  a  general  who  has  a  separate  command,  there  is 
ever  confided,  to  a  degree,  the  execution  of  other  than 
mere  military  objects,  to  which  the  public  interests 
may  require  his  attention.  In  proportion  to  the  dis- 
tance or  other  circumstances  that  render  communica- 
tion with  the  government  difficult,  tardy,  or  precari- 
ous, the  necessity  for  such  powers  is  increased.  From 
the  difficulties  attending  that  distant  command,  arose 
the  necessity  for  the  general  to  exercise  sovereign  pow- 
er within  his  limits. 

This  power,  if  not  coiiferred  by  the  letter  of  his  in- 
structions, was  to  be  found,  as  it  ever  is  in  such  cases, 
in  the  principle  of  self  preservation,  that  paramount 
law  of  nature,  under  which  the  citizen-general,  who 
valiantly  fights  for  the  liberties  of  the  citizens  his  fel- 
lows, and  especially  in  such  manner  as  to  evince  his 
eagerness  to  finish  his  work  and  return  to  mingle  with 
them  again,  should  ever  find  shelter.  And  may  a  na- 
3 


18 

tion's  hatred  fall  upon  those,    be  they  who  thev  may, 
demagogues  or  giants  in  the  law,  (|)i«iniies  are  beneath 
a  nation's  notice,)  who  would  deny  it  him.     And  well 
placed  would  be  a  nation*>  hate;  Ibr  when  the  auiiior- 
ity  ot'  that    lau  is   questioned,  and  the  ciii/en-soldier 
^vho  has  fought  under  its  inspiriting  influence,  is  ticnied 
protection,  refused  shelter,  and  cast  without  the  pale  of 
preferment,  then  it  nuiy  in  truth  be  said,  that  the  i/cars 
of  the  j'f  jniblic  are  mimbend^  and  her  days  to  come  but 
few;  which  is  a  saying,  that,  if  well-founded,  there  is 
too  nnich  reason  to  believe  would  make  glad  many  of 
our  nominal  republicans  of  the  day.     By  this  law,  the 
general  was    commanded    to    preserve  the  common- 
wealth, at  all  hazards,  and  if  it  became  necessary,  at  the 
expense  of  all  other  objects  and  interests;  as  were  the 
consuls  of  Home  anciently.     But  as  he  could  not  oth- 
erwise accomplish  tiris  important  object  of  his  trust,  it 
became   necessary  to   pursue   the  course   he  did  ;  and 
happy  for  his  country  was  it,  and  still  it  is,  that  by  I  i- 
vinc  goodness,  Andrew  Jackson  \\  as,  and  is,  a  ready- 
prepared  instrument  in   the   hands  of  Pro^id('nce,  to 
rescue  the  republic  from  past  and  present  peril      As  it 
"was  vrecsfianj,  \\  became  ///s/,  to  proclaim  martial  law; 
take  care  of  Louallier  ;  remove  Judge   Hall;  to  con- 
vert bags  of  cotton  to  public  use  ;  and  compel  the  cit- 
izens of  New  Orleans  to   defend  their  own   property, 
rather  than  to  shamefully  negociate  to  gi\  e  it  uj),  as  by 
the  ignoble  deed  they  would  have  surrendered  the  pub- 
lic's riu^ht  in  private  property.  And  who  dares  contend 
that  right  r     Then,  by  thus  doing,  he  became  entitled 
to  the  thanks  and  everlasting  gratitude  of  the  nation. 
But  if,  through  ind)ecility  of  mind,  he   had   been   de- 
terred   from   executing   his   |)ur|>ose,  by  the   arrogant 
pretensions  to  power  assuuKMl  by' these  traitors  in  the 
civil  ranks,  then  he  would  have  been  a  fit  object   for 
pub/ie  eensure — for  national  distrust. 

And  here,  as  we  presume,  a  second  victory  may  be 
safely  announced,  by  which  the  batth^  ground  of  New 
Orleans  is  freed,  and  for  ever,  from  thase  internal  foes 
to  freedom,  who,  through  false  interpretation  of  public 
law,  and  tyrannic  decrees  of  court,  would  assail  and 
battttr  to  the  ground,  freedom's  fair  temple  ;  and  who. 


19 

as  enemies,  should  be  considered  fiar  more  dangerous, 
than  were  the  sacrilefi;ious  invaders  of  this  his  fair  do- 
main, who  composed  Britain's  proud  host,  that  with  its 
leaders,  was  offered  up  by  the  immortal  Jackson,  as  a 
sacrifice  to  an  offended  god  of  liberty.  For  when  his 
sanctuary  is  invaded  by  traitors  within,  who  partake, 
in  common  with  their  fellows,  of  his  numerous  bless- 
ings, there  will  be  still  more  offence  taken,  and  more 
of  sacrifice  required,  to  propitiate  that  God,  the  author 
of  our  liberties,  in  whose  goodness  we  have  a  guaran- 
ty for  their  continuance,  only  on  the  condition  of  an 
unremitting  watchfulness  over  them,  which,  from  the 
nature  of  things,  is  indispensable,  as  by  the  least  re- 
laxation in  our  vigilance,  we  hazard  their  loss.  And 
are  they  not  put  to  extreme  jeopardy,  by  suffering  his 
enemies  to  make  the  most  conspicuous  of  their  defend- 
ers a  subject  of  slander,  an  object  of  disgust — nay,  of 
dread?  And  do  we  not  as  a  people,  deserve,  and 
should  we  not  expect,  to  be  punished  therefor,  and 
with  additional  stripes,  for  permitting  such  gross  in- 
justice to  be  done  by  those,  who,  with  every  charac- 
teristic of  the  demagogue,  seek  to  effect  their  diabolical 
objects,  for  purposes  sinister,  and  so  palpable  as  not  to 
be  mistaken  by  those  who  will  but  look  while  they 
run  ?  For  what  man  of  mighty  arm,  with  this  instance 
of  national  injustice  and  ingratitude  staring  him  in  the 
face,  will  hereafter  step  forth,  as  Jackson  did,  in  the 
defence  of  his  country,  to  interpose  his  broad  shield, 
which,  from  its  inscription  of  valor,  patriotism,  and  in- 
tegrity, intertwined,  makes  invincible  all  who  fight  un- 
der its  protection  ? 

That  Gen.  Jackson,  in  his  approach  to  the  chair  of 
state,  should  be  considered  an  object  of  dread,  we  de- 
ny ;  and  for  these  reasons  ; — first,  he  has  not  exhibited 
the  least  lust  for  rule ;  and  secondly,  if  he  has  such 
lust,  the  term  of  office  is  too  lijnited  to  perfect  any 
plan  of  lawless  ambition  ;  for,  within  three  years  and 
six  months,  he  would  again  hear  from  the  people,  as 
did  the  elder  Adams.  Hence,  his  being  held  up  as  an 
object  of  dread,  should  be  considered  as  a  tale  of  the 
nursery,  to  frighten  rather  than  convince. 


The  charge  of  miirtlcr,  al>o,  in  the  cases  of  Arhuthnot 
(indAmhrister,  and  the  Six  Mih'tiamoK  has  hern  made 
against  him  who  *'  lias  filled  the  measure  of  his  conn- 
try's  ^lory  ;"  and  been  spread  tiirouiihout  our  union, 
and  over  the  world,  by  tlieir  grand  organ,  t/ic  press — 
that  engine,  so  multipotent  in  spreading  lies,  over 
wiiieli,  to  tlie  shame  of  the  press-mm,  the  administra- 
tion have  ac(|uired  so  great  control. 

On  an  examination  of  the  facts,  the  tables  will  })ro- 
bahly  be  turned  against  tiiosc,  for  whose  benefit  the 
calumnies  are  so  industriously  circulated. 

Arbuthnot  and  And)rister  were  two  British  subjects, 
who,  in  })ursuit  of  gain,  (which  is  the  Englishman's 
god,)  had  located  themselves  among  savages,  whom 
they  instigated  to  murders,  by  establisliing  a  trade  in 
scalj)s  ;  yes,  lunnan  sculps!!!  Their  object  A\as  to 
extend  their  trade  in  pelts,  by  driving  in  our  frontier 
settlements  ;  and  when,  to  aceomj^lish  that  end,  the 
massacre  of  men,  women,  and  chiklrcn  became  neces- 
sary, the  measure  was  resorted  to  as  coolly  as  would 
have  been  any  other  that  a  prospect  of  gain  might  re- 
commend ;  for  th(^  prineij)les  of  humanity  interj)ose  no 
obstacle  to  the  calls  of  avarice  with  such  miscreants, 
and  it  is  to  the  diabolic  influence  of  such  renegadoes 
that  we  must  impute  the  most  of  Indian  massacre. 

Upon  these  men  (now  the  subject  of  hy|)ocritical  la- 
ment) were  found  nearly  tiro  hundred  scalps  ;  for  \\  hich 
they  had  paid  the  Jndiansin  beads,  blankets,  rum,  fire 
arms,  annnimition,  and  e\ery  thing  else  adapted  to 
the  foul  trade:  including  the  still  more  ap|)ropriatc 
lomahawk  and  scalpiim-knij^. 

They  were  doomed  to  death,  for  an  example  of  ter- 
ror;  and  \\\\\\  as  much  justice  and  reason,  (as  ap|)ears 
to  us  mortals,)  as  was  the  Amalekite  whom  Samuel 
hewed  doirn ;  for,  by  a  single  glance  into  futurity, 
General  Jackson  foresaw  the  consc(|uences  of  an  es- 
cape from  punishment,  after  such  iiorrid  evidence  of 
guilt  as  the  scalps  presented,  lie  foresaw  that  lenity 
in  this  case  would  encourag('  such  ruthless  worshippers 
of  mammon,  to  extend  the  ravages  of  the  desolating 
tomahawk  and  scalping-knife.  Therefore  the  iufVic- 
tion  of  death  became  a  duty  of  the  mo-it  im])erious 


^1 

nature;  and  had  the  general  liesitatcd  to  perform  it, 
he  would  then  have  justly  merited  censure. 

Look  at  these  circumstances  which  so  characterize 
that  transaction,  you  that  have  wives  and  children,  and 
also  you  who  have  but  the  lesser  dehght  of  icjoldng 
upon  the  innocents  who  make  more  happy  your  neigh- 
bor's lot ;  and  then  ask  yourselves  if  the  general  is  not 
to  be  applauded  rather  than  censured,  for  that  act ; 
and  also,  if  those  who  now  labor  so  hard  to  make  him 
a  subject  of  abhorrence  therefor,  are  not  with  justice 
to  be  suspected  of  sinister  motives  and  base  designs, 
that  render  them  unworthy  of  confidence  ? 

And  now,  fellow-citizens,  let  us  look  with  an  impar- 
tial eye  to  the  case  of  the  six  militiamen  ;  those  ''-poor 
imiocents,^^  who,  enshrouded  and  encased  in  their  res- 
pective coffins,  are  now  going  the  rounds  from  house 
to  house,  uttering  the  most  d:  lorous  lament,  (especial- 
ly the  priest,)  while  soliciting  votes  and  favor  for 
Messrs.  Adams  k.  Clay ;  which  appears  to  be  their 
only  object. 

They  were  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and 
were  of  course  liable,  if  they  transgressed,  to  such 
punishments  as  the  laws  imposed.  In  the  solemn  sea- 
son of  war,  the  duties  of  the  citizens  generally,  become 
the  more  imperative — of  the  citizen-soldier,  the  most  so ; 
for  to  him  is  confided  the  public  defence.  Therefore, 
as  we  so  much  on  them  rely,  it  cannot  be  admitted, 
nor  should  it  be,  that  our  militia,  when  in  the  service 
of  government,  are  entitled  to  the  immunities  of  mere 
partizan  corps,  as  are  the  cossacks  of  the  Don,  when 
attached  to,  but  not  incorporated  with,  the  Russian 
armies.  For  were  it  the  case,  we  might  say  of  our 
militia,  ''it  is  loorse  than  worthless,'^'' 

These  men,  being  the  ringleaders  of  about  two  hun- 
dred, wdio  were  guilty  of  both  mutiny  and  desertion, 
were  condemned,  and  sentenced  to  die,  by  a  court 
martial.  This  sentence,  when  approved  by  the  gen- 
eral, who  was  at  a  distance,  was  carried  into  effect  by 
a  public  execution.  (We  notice  the  fact  of  the  gener- 
al's absence,  merely  as  a  fact,  but  with  no  view  to  im- 
press the  belief  that,  if  present,  it  would  have  been 
etherwise.)     The  trial,  condemnation,  and  execution, 


07 


^vcrt'  in  conformity  to  the  laws;  ot'  the  existence  of 
which  the  mutineers  were  not  ignorant.  For  deser- 
tion ah)nr,  they  would  have  been  coii(h  nuKMl :  and 
when  to  liiai  the  far  greater  crime  of. sedition  was  ad- 
ded, to  nothing  but  a  culpable  neglect  of  duty  could  a 
pardon  have  been  attributed.  'I'hcrefore  we  imagine 
it  to  be  ini|)ossib!(%  notu  iihstanding  the  dejiendenec 
that  has  been  j)la(ed  upon  them,  for  this  sable  corps  of 
tleetioneering  j)oliticans  (although  disinterred  for  that 
purpose)  to  obtain  for  Messrs.  Adams  k.  Clay,  from 
men  of  underManding,  a  solitary  vote,  or  the  least  of 
favor,  by  their  habiliments  of  ivoc — their  isricvous  dole, 
— or  tears  of  blood. 

We  will  not  insult  your  understandings,  fellow-citi- 
zens, by  speaking  of  Mrs.  Jackson  ;  whom  we  believe 
to  be  an  amiable  lady  and  a  sincere  Christian.  For  as 
the  constitution  has  devolved  no  power  upon  the  peo- 
j)le  to  nrakc  a  Lady-Presidentia,  and  as  the  laws  of  the 
land  give  to  every  man. (even  including  the  President 
of  the  United  States)  the  right  to  select  a  companion 
for  hiniiclf;  the  intruding  upon  you  the  subject,  would, 
in  our  opinion,  be  a  libel  upon  the  faculty  of  common 
bcnse  ;  which,  although  a  \\  rong  daily  committed  upon 
you  by  those  who  arrogate  tlic  right  to  teach  you  what 
to  believe  and  how  to  vote,  we  deem  to  be  as  unjust  in 
politics,  as  it  is  confessed  to  be  in  morals,  notwithstan- 
ding that  the  highest  official  example  is  set  us  to  the 
contrary. 

Of  the  irritable  temper  of  which  his  opponents  speak, 
t\e  know  nothing,  believe  nothing,  nor  eai-e  any  thing  ; 
for  it  is  known  that  he  has  associated  with  his  fellow- 
men  in  imj)ortant  civil  coneerns,  but  not  known  that 
lie  has  exhibited  an  iiraseibility,  unbrookable  by  his 
associates.  And  we  also  know  that  he  has  consorted 
with  men  in  military  affair>,  and  from  the  astonishing 
results  produced,  w  (?  must  believe  that  a  eordialitv  ex- 
isted. These  are  circumstances  which  forbid  the  idea, 
;ind  })ro\(,'  the  charge  to  be  a  calumny. 

His  being  a  ^'  military  chieftain,''  although  not  yet 
imputed  to  him  as  a  crime,  that  we  have  lieard,  is  nev- 
ertheless insisted  on  as  a  rimimstaiicc,  that  in  itself 
oj)poscs  a  suflicicnt  barrier  :  j  his  election,  if  no  other 


25 

objection  existed.  That  this  idea  is  held  up  as  a  fright- 
ful image,  and  only  to  terrify  the  weak,  we  believe ; 
yet  vye  would  oppose  to  the  chimera  a  true  picture. 
That  Gen.  Jackson  is  a  military  man,  all  will  agree ; 
that  he  also  is  one  of  high  renown,  is  a  truth  that  his 
enemies  (though  somtthing  loath)  are  obliged  to  admit. 
But  that  he  should  therefore  be  incapacitated  for  civil 
rule,  we  deny  :  for  the  Lord  God  himself  is  said  to  be 
A  MAN  OF  WAR,  and  Joshua,  Gideon,  Jcptha,  and  Da- 
vid, in  the  early,  and  the  Maccabees,  in  the  later  days 
of  Jewish  history,  were  all  eminent  men  in  the  field ; 
yet  they  administered  just  rule,  as  in  later  times  did 
Alfred  of  England,  and  Henri  Quatre  of  France. 
These  were  all  mighty  men  of  valor,  and  were  chosen, 
each  in  his  turn,  to  be  the  armor-lDearer  of  God  ;  as 
was  Washington  in  our  fathers,  and  as,  in  our  time, 
has  Jackson  been  ;  who,  as  had  the  others,  each  in  his 
day,  has  of  late  wielded  the  sword  of  the  Lord,  which  is 
ever  the  sword  of  mercy  ;  while  the  sword,  when  pla- 
ced in  the  hands  of  lesser  men,  infuriated  by  their  de- 
feats in  intrigue,  ever  becomes  the  desolating  sword 
ofivrath.  Such  it  was  in  the  hands  of  Absalom — of 
those  factionists  who  gave  up  Samaria  and  Jerusalem, 
each  in  their  turn,  to  the  invader — of  those  who 
brought  Rome  to  convulsions,  and  the  necessity  of  re- 
sorting to  the  powerful  arm  of  Caesar,  for  protection 
and  repose  ;  and  of  those  who  afterwards  brought  up- 
on her  that  "  scourge  of  God,"  who,  beneath  the  ever- 
lasting floods,  now  finds  that  rest,  which  otherwise 
would  have  been  denied  his  mouldering  bones — of 
those  who  drenched  England  in  blood,  spilled  in  de- 
fence of  the  white  rose  and  red — of  those  who  brought 
France  to  the  necessity  of  calling  Bonaparte  from 
Egypt,  to  rescue  her  from  annihilation,  and  erasure 
from  the  map  of  Europe.  All  of  these  evils  may  be 
ascribed  to  the  ambition  of  those  who,  from  lack  of 
qualification  to  win  the  empire  of  hearts,  by  deeds  of 
patriotic  valor,  sought  to  obtain  rule  over  the  bodies 
and  minds  of  men,  by  cunnitig  and  force.  They  were 
evils,  brought  upon  their  respective  nations  by  such 
shallow,  yet  obtrusive  and  presumptuous  politicians, 
as  free  governments  particularly  abound  in,  and  of 


24 

siich  ns  wc  ourselves  have*  no  great  lack  ;  beinir,  as 
props,  too  feeble  to  sustain  ;  but  as  sappers,  powerful 
to  undermine,  and  bring  eni])ire  to  ruin  witii  n\jghty 
crash. 

This,  fellow-citizens,  is  no  clnmero  conjured  up  to 
intimidaie  ;  but  it  is  a  true  image,  and  nrade  palpably 
so  from  history,  which  teaches  us  that  it  is  the  domi- 
neering demagogue  that  shoidd  be  held  up  as  an  object 
of  dread  to  the  people,  ratlur  than  a  *' military  chief- 
tain." It  also  teaches  us  that  its  warninirs  are  not  to 
be  neglected  with  impunity. 

Having  examined  the  charges  which  have  been 
made  against  Andrew  Jackson,  to  j)rove  him  disquali- 
fied for  tlie  Presidency,  and  proved  their  falsity,  as  is 
trusted,  to  yom*  satisfaction  ;  and  also,  as  we  hope, 
obviated  the  objection  to  his  high  military  character, 
and  shown  the  distinguishing  marks  by  which  the 
sirord  may  be  know  n  to  be  either  an  object  of  terror 
or  th'sirt ;  we  would  now  call  }om'  attention  to  some 
circumstances  which,  in  om*  o|)inion,  tend  to  show 
that  he  is  not  only  eminently  cjualiiied  to  execute  the 
high  triLst,  but  also  that,  at  this  time,  he  is  the  only 
man  in  the  nation,  (of  whom  we  have  any  know- 
ledge,) who  can  with  reason  be  imagined  to  be  capa- 
ble of  giving  security  to  oiu'  in^aluabIe  institutions. 

On  bringing  to  recollection  the  fact  that  we  have 
no  special  promise  for  protection  against  the  conse- 
quences of  oin*  own  errors  and  sins  ;  it  must  come  with 
force  to  the  minds  of  a  moral  and  religious  people, 
given  to  habits  of  reflection,  (as  we  claim  to  bt%)  that 
if  we  indidge  in  what  has  been  the  bane  of  other  na- 
tions, it  will  prove  to  be  our  own.  And  when  we  fur- 
ther tax  our  memory,  and  call  to  mind  that  we  in 
scri|)ture  read  that  tlie  errors  of  rulers  are  sins  for 
which  (iod  punishes  nations;  we  shall  find  ourselves 
under  the  greatest  of  obligations  to  look  to  and  cor- 
rect the  errors  of  ours.  Nor  can  we  neglect  this  duty 
without  calling  into  question  our  pretensions  to  rejec- 
tion ;  or  absolve  ourselves  from  its  discharge  on  the 
plea  of  interest,  symj)atliv,  or  antipathy,  without  for- 
feiting our  claim  to  both  religion  and  morals. 


■25 

It  has  not  escaped  an  intelligent  community,  that 
the  prosperous  ease  which  we  have  so  long  enjoyed, 
has  produced  a  listlessness  as  regards  the  morality  or 
immorality  of  measures,  pursued  in  the  management 
of  public  affairs  f  or  that  it  is  a  circumstance  that,  by 
favoring,  has  given  confidence  to  the  workers,  and 
extent  to  the  works  of  corruption,  and  has  of  course 
brought  upon  us  the  necessity  of  an  Augean  labor. 
But  where,  except  to  Tennessee,  can  we  look  for  an 
Hercules  ? 

That  General  Jackson's  popularity  (as  was  that  of 
Washington)   is   the   necessary  consequence   of  that 
confidence  which  only  those  who  protect  us   in   the 
hour  of  peril  can  obtain,  will  not  be  denied.     The  ex- 
tent to  which  he  lives  in  hearts,  (for  he  has  not  lost 
one,)  will  appear  from  recollections  of  the  last  canvass. 
Then  there  were  but  three  or  four  papers  in  the  Union 
(and  not  one  in  Washington)  that  supported  his  cause  ; 
while  there  were  (as  was  the  difference  at  a  certain 
period,  between  the  prophets  of  the  Lord  and  Baal)  as 
many  hundreds  arrayed  against  him.     Yet  he  had  a 
far  surpassing  vote,  and  would  have  had  a  major  one, 
were  it  not  that  a  master  stroke  of  policy  (before  no- 
ticed) was  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  it. 
This  shows  him  to  be  a  strong  man  indeed ;  for  it  is 
only  those  who  the  people  will  so  to  be,  that  are  real- 
ly strong  :  which  in  our  apprehension,  is  an  important 
circumstance,  and  one  that  is  not  sufficiently  attended 
to,  though  it  appears  to  have  arrested  Mr  Adams's  at- 
tention ;  for  he  once,  while  impressed  with  its  weight, 
expressed  regret  that  there  was  no  constitutional  pro- 
vision, by  which  he  could  refer  the  question  of  the  elec- 
tion back  to  the  people.     That  these  impressions  were 
so    soon  effaced,  that  he  forgot  to  invite,  by  message, 
an  amendment  to  that  effect,  militates  not  against  the 
belief  in  their  existence  at  the  time  ;  nor  is  the  circum- 
stance further  important  than    to  urge  upon    us  the 
conviction,  that  Mr.  Adams   labors   under  a  malign 
influence,    by  which  he  is  hindered  from   acting   as 
his  conscience  dictates. 

As  it  is  apparent  to  all,  that  intrigue  pervades  tl||e 
*  whole  body  politic,  ay((  as  ^\  i|  .t^)|^c:)^i|g;lglmQl^i^^ 
\    '^         •  ,     , 


26 

alnnc  that  a  nation  can  be  exalted,  and  as  this  is  a  text 
^\liioli  is  made  |)eeuliarly  ajiplicahle  to  us,  Ironi  tlic  ex- 
treme delicacy  of  our  system,  before  alluded  to  ;  it  now 
behooves  us  to  purifv  our  council,  (those  corrufU  foun- 
tains,) that  \\v  may  drink  pure  waters,  and  live.  To 
which  end,  it  has  also  become  necessary  for  us  to  em- 
ploy some  man  of  mii^ht,  and  of  intefi;rity,  to  stop  those 
currents  of  corruption,  (uliich,  setting  from  \\'a>hing- 
ton,  extend  to  every  limit,)  and  rescue  us  from  the 
breakers  to  wliich  they  are  onsetting  us.  But  where 
shall  we  look  for  that  man,  \\  Iio,  steadfast  himself 
amidst  political  gamblers,  traders,  and  brokers,  will, 
like  Job,  maintain  his  integrity  ?  To  this  question, 
the  answer  is  readily  made,  by  the  simultaneous  turn 
of  every  eye  to  the  Hcrmitasfc ;  where,  in  that  illustri- 
ous personage,  the  Fitrmrr  of  Tcjinessrc,  who  so  with- 
stood temptation  in  Washington,  we  behold  one,  and 
he  a  solitanj,  who  with  strength  of  arm  and  heart  of 
integrity  combined,  stands  our  only  ho|)e  for  protec- 
tion against  the  torrents  of  corruption,  by  which  the 
temple  of  liberty  is  alreadi/  pullidcd,  and  the  assaults 
of  faction,  by  which  the  Ibrtress  of  freedom  is  threat- 
ened with  demolition. 

To  the  del'ence  of  the  high  trusts  committed  to  our 
charge,  tor  the  benefit  of  hitest  posterity,  by  our  ances- 
tors, who  sealed  the  deed  with  their  blood,  we,  fellow- 
citizens,  are  bound  bv  the  most  sacred  of  duties;  and 
to  the  perlbrmance  of  w  iiich,  as  the  oidy  means  of 
averting  the  most  fatal  consequences  of  neglect  to  om- 
selves,  we  are  urged  by  the  warniuiis  of  iiistory  and 
revelation,  which  unite  to  proclaim  from  the  (lod  of 
.Justice,  who  is  the  God  of  Nature,  this,  his  high  com- 
mand : 

Arise,  ye  hitherto  favored  people  !  arise,  and  pm-ge 
ye  yourselves  from  the  great  sin  of  1825!  For  why 
sliould  you,  by  sanctioning  the  same,  partake  thereof, 
and  die? 

SIMEON  HUBBARD,  Chairman. 

Epaphras  Porter,  Secrctarj/. 


Congdon's  Tavern,  13tb  May,  1828. 

THE  foregoing  Addres«?,  being  read  and  approved,  was  ordered 
to  be  printed,  accompanied  by  the  following  resolutions;  which 
were  unanimously  pa)*sed  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Presidency  of  these  United  States  should  be 
held  as  the  most  sacred  interest  ;  and  as  such,  not  to  be  contamina- 
ted by  the  usages  of  barter  .md  trade,  nor  scandalized  by  intrigue, 
or  debased  by  bringing  it  down  to  the  jarring  interests  of  man^  inci- 
dent to  a  people  whose  extensive  em[>ire  embraces  every  climate. 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  liiese  States  should  be  the  man 
of  the  people,  and  of  the  whole  people,  and  not  the  chieftain  of  a 
section,  or  the  partizan  of  a  particular  interest. 

Resolved,  That  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  if  worthy  of  the 
trust,  will  not  make  it  known  whom  he  intends  to  appoint  to  office, 
if  elected  ;  nor  suffer  himself  to  be  interrogated  on  that  subject. 

Resolved,  That  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennes*?ee,  is  entitled  to 
the  first  office  in  the  Republic,  for  important  services  performed  in 
the  time  of  her  greatest  need  ;  and  that  his  integrity  and  singleness 
of  heart  still  further  recommend  him,  as  an  object  of  national  trust, 
and  worthy  to  be  supported  for  the  Presidency,  by  a  reasoning  as 
well  as  a  grateful  people. 

Resolved,  That  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  is  worthy 
of  the  people's  support  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  at  the  ensuing 
election,  from  havir)g,  in  the  last  canvass  for  President,  when  a  pro- 
minent candidate  himself,  given  place  to  one  more  favored,  oa  the 
first  manifestation  of  the  people's  voice  ;  thereby  evincing  a  due 
submission  to  the  will  of  the  people,  without  which  no  man,  howev- 
er otherwise  qualified,  is  worthy  of  rule  in  free  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  admire  the  consistency  of  John  Quincy  Ad- 
ams ;  we  believe  his  political  sentiments  to  be  the  same  now,  that 
they  were  in  1800 — decidedly  opposed  to  republican  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  had,  previous  to  the  last  Presidential  elec- 
tion, full  confidence  in  the  political  integrity  of  Henry  Clay. 

Resolved,  as  the  unanimous  sense  of  this  meeting.  That  the 
charge  of  bargain  and  intrigue  between  Clay  and  Adams,  at  the  last 
Presidential  election,  has  been  clearly  estabWshed  by  the  recent  in- 
vestigation, had  before  the  Senate  of  Kentucky. 

Resolved,  That  Henry  Clay,  as  a  dangerous  man,  and  destitute 
of  integrity,  is  unworthy  the  confidence  of  republicans. 

Resolved,  That  J.  Q.  Adams,  although  not  to  be  condemned,  as 
was  Absalom,  for  stealing  the  hearts  of  the  people,  yet  he  is  to  be 
censured  for  appointing  foreign  missions,  during  a  recess  of  Con- 
gress, and  of  course  without  the  consent  of  the  Senate  ;  whose  voice 
therein,  being  of  constitutional  right,  was  necessary  to  sanction  the 
measure.  Therefore,  we  deem  him  to  be  unworthy  of  the  people's 
support. 

SIMEON  HUBBARD,  Chairman. 

Epaphius  PorteR;  Secretary. 


V 


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